Asian Americans and Mental Health
“Asian American”
According to Jay Caspian Kang the term Asian American has merely the meaning of an approximate “demographic descriptor” that is useful whenever the people concerned “need a term to describe themselves and everyone who looks like them”. This statement assumes that Asian Americans do not identify as Asian American. In fact, the term has undergone a significant transformation that has resulted in only few concerned actually identifying with “Asian American”. In the following, this change and the implications that accompany it will be addressed. Particular attention will be paid to pan-ethnicity, cultural duality, assimilation and the model minority and their influence on Asian American identity formation.
The term Asian American originated in the 1960s during the Civil Rights era. It was created to increase the visibility of the problems that groups of Asian descent were facing and included mainly Chinese and Japanese Americans (Park 542). Thus, the term Asian American is originally a racial political identifier (Park 542). It has since shifted to encompass a plurality of meanings today. This pluralism is related to the fact that diversity within Asian Americans has become increasingly visible. Chinese and Japanese Americans do not constitute the majority of Asian America anymore. Already in 2000, they accounted for only less than 32 percent of Asian Americans (Park 543). Instead, six ethnic groups make up a common majority in almost similar proportions: Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese, Korean, and Vietnamese (Park 543).
Although the ethnic composition of “Asian America” has changed, the term has remained the same. An expression created to promote Chinese and Japanese political and social interests is now used as a label for multiple diverse ethnic groups of related cultural origin. Consequently, “Asian-ness” is promoted instead of “interethnic cultural diversity” and a pan-ethnic identity is created (Park 542). However, the ethnic groups subsumed under the term Asian American have not chosen to identify as such. As a consequence, it is assumed that the Asian pan-ethnic identity has an effect on Asian Americans’ identity.
When representatives from different Asian ethnic groups are asked about their relation to the term Asian American, opinions and perceptions differ. The racialization of Asian American is challenging, especially for second generation Asian Americans. Many of them are torn between being raised in America and feeling American, but being labelled Asian because of superficial markers such as their looks. They identify as American, although they are genetically partly Asian. However, the reasons underlying this identification diverge widely. In a debate, a diverse range of Asian Americans have discussed this issue. For example, Vish Burra states that he is of Indian heritage, but is American (Vice 2022). Thus, he does not recognize himself as Asian, but as Indian, while fully identifying as American. In contrast, Vince Dao completely pushes away the “Asian” in “Asian American”. He claims that considering the fact that America today is an increasingly more and more diverse country, it is necessary for the country to hold together, that all people should to some extent identify as being American (Vice 2022). Yasna Vismale in turn identifies as Asian American. She embraces the dual culture where she experiences different cultures, such as food, traditions and language at home and at school (Vice 2022). She states that there is a need for them to say “we’re Asian American” because the crux of the Asian American experience is to be often seen as not American or not American enough (Vice 2022). Being part of two cultures does not mean to be partly Asian and partly American; it means to be Asian and American (Vice 2022). Other representatives, such as Ellen Acuario don’t like to identify themselves as American at all because those who look at them don’t see American, they always see Asian first (Vice 2022).
Despite this plurality of perceptions and opinions, Asian Americans agree that cultural assimilation is relevant in this context. It can be perceived as a burden, but also as an opportunity. Nevertheless, most Asian Americans perceive cultural assimilation as a necessity. However, those concerned again differ in their assessment of this aspect. For some Asian Americans, cultural assimilation is often perceived as a necessity because to an extent, they are “forced to assimilate in order to navigate this country” (Yu Ling Wu in Vice 2022). This includes things like language acquisition, adapting to customs and social practices (Vice 2022). Assimilation is here perceived as necessary for Asian Americans to survive and to build their own future. Other voices, however focus on assimilation as necessity for America as a country to function as a stable society. This is based on the idea that historically, conflict has emerged from diversity. For example, people have fought wars about cultural aspects such as religion and race. Although Asian Americans agree on assimilation as a necessity, the underlying reasons are completely different. This is again a product of cultural diversity and social disparity within this pan-ethnic group (cf. Kang 2022).
Another aspect that Asian Americans agree on is relevant to their identity is the model minority. Some Asian Americans perceive the model minority as shameful because it was originally used to place themselves above other people of colour. They feel that they have allowed themselves to be used by whites by creating a group of POCs through the Model Minority that could be played off against other POCs. Being privileged as an Asian American to belong to the group that could assimilate to what they wanted thus be among the better, smarter, and more successful POCs has influenced the identity formation of many of those affected: “I grew up wanting to be white” (Kang 2022). A completely different point of view is given by Asian Americans that identify with the model minority. They take the stand that the model minority is true because Asian communities share specific values, such as a strong family cohesion, diligence, hard work and no criminality. Thus, it is part of their cultural identity that they are the successful minority. So, while some Asian Americans completely distance themselves from the idea of a model minority, others use it to build their identity. This article explores Asian American stereotypes in more detail.
The meaning of the term Asian American originally created as political racial identifier has shifted to a pan-ethnic expression. It subsumes different ethnic groups and affects their identity formation. The individuals within these groups have different relations to the term Asian American. Some of them can identify with the expression because it underlines their dual culture. Others either identify with their actual origin within the Asian range or solely as American or solely as Asian. There is a plurality of different identities among the people labelled Asian American. Furthermore, they agree on assimilation away from Asian to American as a necessity that further influences their identity formation. Another identitychallenging aspect is the model minority concept because it makes the individuals concerned feel that they need to build their identity as Americans in order to live up to the expectations placed on them. In conclusion, identification with the term Asian American is challenging and experiences vary widely. As diverse as the people within the group summarized as “Asian American” are, so are their perceptions, feelings and opinions about the expression.
Ethnic Identity and its Impact on Asian Americans’ Mental Health
Identity plays an essential role in everyone’s life, especially in a country with widespread ethnic diversity like the United States. Asian Americans in particular may experience conflicts related to their identity and the cultural values, norms, and stereotypes associated with it – conflicts that may have an impact on their mental health. Thus, it is all the more urgent to explore the complex interrelationships of ethnic identity, culture, and mental health. The following section is structured as follows. The first part of this work focuses on statistical figures of Asian Americans affected by mental health issues, followed by an analysis of stereotypes and their impact on these numbers. Finally, the reciprocal relationship between cultural aspects, stereotypes and their connection to mental health will be examined.
First, it is important to note is that Asian Americans are less likely to seek help for mental health problems compared to the rest of the population. For instance, the American Psychological Association writes that nearly 18 percent of the general population in U.S. seeks help for mental health issues – that number, however, is considerably lower among Asian Americans, namely 8.6 percent (Nishi). In addition, it is necessary to mention that Asian Americans have a 17.30 percent chance of developing some type of mental illness in their lifetime (Nishi). Citing statistics from the United States Census Bureau, the nonprofit organization Mental Health America states that 20 million people in the U.S. identify as "Asian/Pacific Islander”. Further, they mention that 6.2 percent of Asian Americans had no health insurance in 2018 – and 10.8 percent were reported to even be living at or below the poverty line. These numbers show the limited access to health care, which may be a reason why some Asian Americans do not seek help regarding issues of mental health. Considering that there was a significant increase in Asian Americans affected by mental health disorders between 2008 and 2018, it is even more important to address the underlying causes, implications, and possibilities for action (National Survey on Drug Use and Health). The mere fact that suicide was one of the leading causes of death for 15-19-year-old Asian Americans in 2019 highlights the relevance of addressing this issue (“Mental and Behavioral Health – Asian Americans”). It also raises the question what the causes might be.
Different racial groups struggle with varying stereotyping of their people. The term stereotype refers to the process of “associating social groups with particular attributes”, which in turn “influence[s] judgements about individuals perceived to belong to the social groups” (Puddifoot 137-138). It can be argued that a central feature of stereotyping is the de-individualization of people. Generalizations are made about an individual who belongs to a particular group, without that person being perceived as an individual; primarily, the person is perceived to be a representative of their social group. In many cases, this can have detrimental and hurtful consequences. Asian Americans are considered a model minority. To give an example: Academic success is usually something attributed to their group. The concept of stereotypes and identity are interrelated. Wakefield and Hudley note that research on Asian American adolescents show that a sense of strong and positive ethnic identity is related to academic motivation, persistence, and achievement (152). However, Yee writes that “the positive side of AA [Asian American] academic achievement has been overstated and oversimplified; research should assess the extent to which Asian students suffer mental health problems and have unmet counseling” (123). Indeed, identity, in conjunction with external expectations influenced by stereotypical beliefs of society, appear to play a considerable role regarding Asian American’s mental health. People internalize images and expectations that others have of them. This can end up in a so-called self-fulfilling prophecy due to the fact that one is confronted with the high expectations of society (and perhaps family) throughout one's life; it seems impossible to break free, which is why the frustration of the situation accumulates and one ends up fulfilling the prophecy that society has imposed on one. In what ways, though, do these stereotyped notions relate to the values and norms of Asian Americans?
The value systems of social groups that are included within people’s culture have an impact on one’s identity and the likelihood of seeking help for mental health challenges one faces. Ethnic identity can be seen as the result of an individual’s choices and the ascriptions of others (Nagel 167). Many Asian Americans see themselves as a minority that has integrated excellently into society, making it more difficult to break this model minority image and be unordinary (“Why Asian Americans Don’t Seek Help for Mental Illness”). In fact, many of them are afraid of being labeled as “weak” or “crazy” – and due to the fact that the stereotype of the well-integrated minority is so persistent, perhaps even more than other social groups (“Why Asian Americans Don’t Seek Help for Mental Illness”). Surprisingly, the phenomenon of so-called “ethnic symbolism”, i.e. the sense of pride regarding one’s own traditions despite the blurring of ethnic boundaries through, for example, multiculturalism, is evident in the United States (Nagel 154). Thus, it can be concluded that cultural values and identity have a reciprocal relationship and significantly influence the willingness to seek help for mental health problems.
This section investigated the interrelationship between identity, stereotypes, cultural values and mental health issues in Asian Americans. The major aim was to show that identity can be shaped by both cultural values as well as society’s view of oneself in terms of stereotypes, and how all these aspects play a role regarding the likelihood of seeking help when affected by issues of mental health. Stigma surrounding mental health, considering the current rates of people affected by said issues, is highly relevant and concerns us as a society. It is therefore all the more important that we maintain discourse about the causes of these issues – and that harmful stereotypes in this context are dealt with critically and not simply accepted. The fact that Asian Americans are less likely to seek help for mental health issues compared to the average U.S. population is something that needs to be addressed and dealt with.
Intimate Partner Violence and its Effect on Women in Asian American Communities
According to the NOW (National Organization for Women) yearly 4.8 million women experience intimate partner-related abuse and rape in the U.S. In relation to this number Lee and Hadeed explain in their article “Intimate Partner Violence Among Asian Immigrant Communities: Health/Mental Health Consequences, Help-Seeking Behaviors, and Service Utilization” that among this number Asian American women are disproportionately affected by this kind of abuse. In addition to the number of women that experience IPV (intimate partner violence) the National Crime Survey Victimization, a survey that includes crimes not reported to officials, reports that 232,960 women were raped or sexually assaulted in 2006. Which subsequently means that more than 600 women a day suffered rape and sexual assault. Finally, in 2005 1,181 women were murdered by their intimate partner, which means that on average three women a day are killed by their partner and one third of femicides in the U.S. are committed by an intimate partner (NOW website). Within these numbers especially American Asian immigrant women are overly represented. Interviews containing a community-based sample of 150 Korean immigrant women who had lived in the United States less than 10 years found that about 60% had experienced IPV by their husbands. In 2003 a questionnaire survey to assess incidence of IPV in a Korean community was made. 136 Korean immigrant women who lived in Texas, all of whom were first-generation immigrants who came to the U.S. after the age of 16, were questioned. The conclusion of the study was that 29.4% of the women had experienced IPV by their male partner in the past year, and 72.8% had also experienced psychological aggression in the same period (Lee and Hadeed 148).
The Illinois Coalition Against Domestic Violence (ICADV) reports the following data on specifically American Asian victims: Asian American clients (AACs) are almost exclusively female; compared to women from other ethnicities AACs display the highest percentage of currently married victims (70.9%) [compared to 56.5% white clients] and they have smallest percentage of never-married persons (16.1%). These numbers show that the majority of AACs were reportedly abused by current or former husbands (76.2%) [compared to 59.9% white clients] (Grossman and Lundy 1043). The most common abuse reported by AACs is emotional abuse (96.9%), followed by physical abuse (85%) and finally sexual abuse (17.3%) (Grossman and Lundy 1045). During the COVID-19 pandemic many Asian American domestic violence organizations reported a notable difference in the numbers of women contacting them. During the first lockdown the number of victims contacting dropped, while after it ended women’s shelters saw a rise again. The Asian Women’s Home in San Jose, California, a women’s shelter that mostly serves Chinese and Vietnamese clients, saw a 45% increase in women contacting them for help with filing restraining orders during the pandemic (Kam NBC ‘Why domestic violence calls are surging for Asian American women amid the pandemic’).
When asked about who referred them to the ICADV, 17% of the AACs claimed they were referred by friends [compared to white clients’ 12.6%] and only 27.8% were referred by the police [compared to 32.1% in white clients]. The needs within AACs also deferred from those of white clients. Amongst AACs 16.9% had a language proficiency need [white clients 0.2%] and 12.9% needed financial assistance [white clients 10%]. The number of AACs having been referred to the ICADV is thus substantially higher in comparison to white clients. This group also had the lowest percentage of clients having been referred to the service by officials (Grossman and Lundy 1045-46).
The question is then, how come very few AACs officially report cases of domestic abuse? This may result from the fact that many Asian cultures are strongly influenced by Confucianism’s political and social ideologies. These thus have an impact on their human relations, social structures and governance. Confucianism largely emphasizes collectivist orientation, patriarchy, social hierarchy, obedience and gender roles and relations. Gender norms and thus the division of labor is clearly defined. While men are highly valued and are expected to be the head of the family, they possess the power in all spheres such as economics and social and political life. Women however are considered to be inferior to men, thus their primary job is to produce a son to extend their husband’s patrilineage. They also take care of the children and the domestic labor. There is thus a clear division into the public sphere and the domestic sphere. This hierarchy within homes creates in Asian culture a high value in “female willingness to endure suffering” (Lee and Hadeed 145) which subsequently leads to women not disclosing family problems to the outside. This context of the patriarchal hierarchy furthermore leads to more acceptance of wife-battering, as it is considered to be an acceptable way of disciplining one’s wife. It is thus not considered to be an “act of deviance in the social order” (145). In conclusion this means that IPV is not frowned upon but tolerated, sustained and perpetuated (145). Bryant-Davis et al. furthermore explain that in a study amongst college students, Asian Americans were more likely to believe that women are responsible for preventing sexual assault than white Americans were. On the other hand Asian American women who date non Asian men might also be more at risk of becoming victims of sexual abuse or harassment. This might be due to the western idea of them being sexual, exotic creatures, often being seen as the “submissive, obedient, and servile "lotus blossom babies," "China dolls," and "geisha girls" (Chen and Takeuchi 876). They are also assumed to be less likely to report the abuse, especially when the victims English skills are lower (Bryant-Davis et al. 338).
There is a variety of research that suggests that experiencing IPV can have dramatic effects on the victim’s mental-health such as symptoms of depression, posttraumatic stress, anxiety, suicidal ideation and substance abuse. A study made by Danielson et al. discovered that more than 50% of women that had experienced abuse and nearly “two thirds of severely abused women met criteria for one or more disorders as described in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders” (Lee and Hadeed 153). Furthermore the decline of the mental-health of a victim is correlated with the intensity and frequency of the experienced abuse. In 2006 a study on IPV in correlation with health outcomes of South Asian women, within an largely immigrant community in Boston, found that 21% of the women questioned reported having been physically or sexually abused by their current partner. Out of these 21%, 15% reported having experienced abuse by their partner within the past year. Out of these participants the victims were 3 times more likely to report poor mental health than those that had not experienced any IPV (31.7% vs. 11.9%). The mental health issues included depression (31.8% vs. 10.2%), anxiety (34.1% vs. 20.1%), suicidal ideation (15.9% vs. 2.5%), and sleep disruption (39.5% vs. 27.3%) (154). In addition to these mental-health issues, Asian American victims of abuse often show more helplessness due to shame and embarrassment in comparison to white victims. This might be due to some Asian cultures putting a lot of social pressure on women’s ability to endure suffering as has been mentioned previously. Furthermore Asian communities still often place more value in virginity than many white communities thus causing Asian American victims to place more self-blame on themselves (Bryant-Davis et al. 337).
Some Asian communities also turn to spirituality to solve mental-health related issues. Ideologies such as Hinduism, Taoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Hinduism and Christianity give very different perceptions of suicidal ideation. Some religions or ideologies consider suicide to be a sin and might thus deter abuse victims from committing suicide. However, for example, Korean communities are often heavily influenced by Confucianism, which emphasizes “group conformity, family integrity, and traditional gender roles” (Bryant-Davis et al. 337). These ideals might lead abuse victims to the conclusion that the only acceptable way to avoid a loss of face and to protect themselves and their families would be to commit suicide. Independently from the spiritual ideology that is chosen by a community, it must be remembered that spirituality in the form of alternative forms of medicine can often become a strategy of recovery among Asian subgroups. Thus mental health professionals must take into consideration cultural aspects when analysing mental health amongst Asian subgroups and how treatment must be adapted.
The effects of Social Media on the Mental Health of Asian-Americans
The experience a person can have on social media is largely influenced by their racial identity, as there are significant differences in the social media usage of different races and ethnicities. Ever since the rise of social media, many studies have been conducted about the social media usage of Americans, but in many of them, Asian Americans have almost never been reported as a distinct group. An interest in the social media habits of Asian Americans has only emerged in the last few years and studies show that there are distinct habits that distinguish Asian Americans from other groups of social media users.
But why should the social media habits of Asian Americans even be a topic of research? In today’s world, social media plays an important role in the life of almost every single person. It serves as a critical context for self-development, especially in adolescence and in emerging adulthood (Charmaran). Also, more and more Americans are relying on social media for news, political information, and to get involved with likeminded people. Many people even turn to social media to escape from external pressures that threaten their mental health. Unfortunately, though, social media can in fact also negatively impact the mental wellbeing of its users, especially for minority groups.
Asian Americans and their social media habits
First of all, studies show that with 95% of Asian Americans having access to the internet at home and 91% of Asian Americans owning a smart phone, Asian Americans make up the largest group of internet users among all ethnicities. Furthermore, these studies also reveal that among all ethnicities, Asian Americans are the most voracious consumers of daily online news and are also twice as likely to use the internet for work or educational purposes as well as to chat only via instant messaging services (Charmaran 73).
Researchers even found that many Asian Americans struggle with their dependency on and in some cases, even addiction to social media. Social media addiction is characterised by an excessive concern about social media, which is driven by an unmanageable urge to check one’s social media in a manner that interferes with other, more important areas of life. A report by the Pew Internet & American Life Project asked 26,000 Americans, of which 486 were Asian Americans, about their internet use. Of these 486 Asian Americans, 40 % used the internet every day for more than two hours and 15 percent even spent more than four hours daily on the internet (Charmaran 73). Ultimately, social media addiction may even impact the socioemotional outcomes and thus the mental health of those affected by it.
Asian Americans and Cyberbullying
Unfortunately, social media addiction is not the only negative effect on mental health Asian Americans have to deal with online. Especially since the beginning of the pandemic in late 2019, there has been a continuous rise of racial targeting of Asian Americans online, as Asian-Americans have been blamed for the cause and the spread of the COVID-19 virus. Many media platforms – including traditional news media – are full of misleading and racist content targeting Asian-Americans (Johnson et al.).
Before the spread of the pandemic, cyber bullying seems to not have been as critical of an issue for Asian Americans, as overall, only 5.5 % have experienced bullying online, a number that is slightly lower than any other group (Still, this number should be taken with a grain of salt, as it only refers to the overall percentage of Asian Americans who have reported cases of cyberbullying. Divided into different ethnic groups, the numbers are much higher. For example, 57.3 % of Filipino Americans have been the victim of cyberbullying (Charmaran 73).
A recent study by Nguyen et al. investigated how anti-Asian-American sentiments have increased since the beginning of the pandemic. On Twitter alone, the study found that there was a 68.4 increase in negative tweets referring to Asian-Americans. These racist messages online pose a threat to the mental health of Asian Americans. While there is still a lack of research on the effects anti-Asian sentiments on social media caused by the pandemic had and continues to have on the mental health of Asian Americans, heightened rates of anxiety, feelings of shame and not belonging (Gepp),
they also lead to anti-Asian hate crimes in real life. For example, between March and December 2020, over 2,800 hate crimes against Asian-Americans were reported (Johnson et al.). Also, the mere expectation or anticipation of being targeted only has been shown to have a negative effect on the mental health of stigmatized individuals (Johnson et al.).
This anticipation of being discriminated against is called “imagined stigma” (Johnson et al.) and it may be the reason why Asian Americans mainly use social media for face management. In this context, face refers to the positive and idealised social value a person claims in a social interaction with others (Hopkins). In a conflict, this idealised value may be threatened and in order to save their faces, conversational partners need to negotiate with each other (Hopkins).
The concept of face can be transferred to social media, where Asian Americans are shown to do more face management than their white, Black and Hispanic counterparts. Asian Americas engage in face management online by engaging in “selective self-presentation tactics” (Charmaran 74), which include:
• observing status differences very carefully
• managing conflicts in a nonconfrontational manner
• trying not to lose prestige and endure embarrassment (Charmaran 74)
This constant focus on face management may be the reason why Asian Americans reported that for them, social media is closely connected to psychological stress (Charmaran 73).
Asian Americans and Online Mental Health Support
What makes matters worse is the fact that in general, Asian Americans are less likely to seek help for their mental health problems. A study found that while Asian Americans have a 17.3 percent overall lifetime rate of any psychiatric disorders, they are three times less likely to seek the support of mental-health services than white Americans: only 8.6 percent of Asian Americans ask for psychological help, while nearly 18 percent of the general population nationwide seek the help for their mental health issues (Nishi). Reasons for these lower levels of mental health seeking include the lack of affordable and especially important, culturally competent mental health care and cultural stigma regarding mental health care, which relates back to concerns about not conforming to the model minority stereotype that portrays Asian Americans as too economically and socially successful to need mental health support (Johnson et al.).
In order to combat this mental health ccrisis in their community, Asian Americans have started to create their own online spaces to encourage each other to openly talk about their mental health. One example is Jenny Wang, who started the Instagram account “Asians for Mental Health”, which gained a huge following during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. The main goal of the page is to combat the pain and discrimination Asian Americans face online and instead centre and amplify the voices of the Asian American community. By doing so, Wang, who is a psychologist herself, wanted to hold a space in which Asian Americans can process and discuss their emotional pain, just like they would do in a face-to-face therapy session (Wang). Furthermore, the page also offers help to those Asian Americans who struggle to create healthy boundaries with social media and thus hopes to fight social media dependency (Wang).
Pages like Wang’s “Asians for Mental Health” provide help to Asian Americans who face discrimination online and offers mental health support to those who need it and thus definitely demonstrate that social media do not only have negative effects on the mental health of Asian Americans. Still, the negative aspects Asian Americans have to deal with online do still outweigh the positives. In order to improve the experiences Asian Americans have on social media and ultimately their mental health, change needs to happen. Across all social media, anti-Asian racism needs to be taken much more seriously.
There are many factors related to mental health; Asian Americans with dual identities struggle with numerous challenges. Generational differences are also evident in the fight against mental illness. The importance and effect size of these various aspects and factors can be further explored in future studies.
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